Investigation into Martin Romualdez and Flood Control Project Anomalies in the Philippines

Background of the Flood Control Projects Controversy

By: Coach Oel / InCaseYouMissed

Pacifico “Curlee” Discaya (left) and wife Sarah testify at a Senate Blue Ribbon inquiry into flood-control projects, September 2025.

Over the past few years, Philippine authorities have uncovered widespread anomalies in government flood control projects, sparking a major corruption scandal. Billions of pesos were allocated for flood mitigation works across the country, yet many projects were either substandard or non-existent “ghost projects” – funded on paper but never built . Investigations revealed that certain contractors, engineers, and officials colluded to falsify reports, even recycling photos of unrelated projects to claim work done . Critical infrastructure meant to protect communities from flooding was left unfinished or missing, undermining public safety and eroding trust in government programs .

A kickback scheme also came to light: some private contractors alleged they had to pay hefty bribes (often termed “SOP” or commissions) to secure these flood control contracts . In explosive Senate hearings in September 2025, husband-and-wife contractors Pacifico “Curlee” Discaya and Cezarah “Sarah” Discaya testified that they and other firms delivered large cash payoffs to at least 17 lawmakers and public works officials in exchange for project funds . The Discayas – who drew public attention for owning a fleet of luxury cars valued in the hundreds of millions of pesos – admitted under oath that they sometimes operated multiple companies bidding on the same projects and paid 20% “commissions” to facilitators . Most other contractors denied paying bribes, but the Discayas’ testimony and evidence of lavish wealth intensified public outrage and demands for accountability .

Among the anomalous projects identified was a ₱289.5-million flood control dike along the Mag-asawang Tubig River in Naujan, Oriental Mindoro. Government auditors flagged irregularities in this project, and investigators later found signs of fund misuse and falsified accomplishments. In fact, the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) has since recommended graft, malversation, and falsification charges to the Ombudsman against those involved in the Mindoro dike project (including a former congressman and Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) officials) . Similarly, DPWH internally suspended at least 12 district engineers amid the probe of “ghost” flood projects, and the Professional Regulation Commission began reviewing the licenses of engineers who signed off on bogus works . Several contractors implicated have reportedly fled abroad to avoid prosecution , underscoring the massive fraud scheme that left vulnerable communities without promised flood defenses while public funds “disappeared into private pockets” .

Martin Romualdez’s Alleged Involvement and Statements

Ferdinand Martin Romualdez, a powerful politician from Leyte and cousin to President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., served as Speaker of the House of Representatives until he became embroiled in the flood control controversy. As Speaker (and concurrent Leyte 1st District Representative), Romualdez oversaw congressional budget processes during the years these anomalous projects proliferated. He was implicated by name in the alleged kickback schemes: during the Senate Blue Ribbon inquiry, the Discaya couple claimed that Speaker Romualdez “benefited from large-scale bribes” that were purportedly delivered to his camp by intermediaries . Romualdez vehemently denied these claims, branding them “lies and malicious name-dropping meant to smear [my] integrity” . He asserted that if anyone used his name to collect money, it was done “without my knowledge and consent” .

Another accuser, Orly Regala Guteza – a former security aide of Rep. Zaldy Co – gave more detailed (though uncorroborated) testimony later in September 2025. Guteza told the Senate that he personally delivered suitcases of cash (around ₱48 million each) on multiple occasions to a Romualdez residence in Taguig as alleged kickbacks from DPWH projects . He claimed that of one batch of 46 cash-filled suitcases prepared at a condo in Bonifacio Global City, 35 were sent to Romualdez’s address while the rest stayed with Rep. Co . In response, Martin Romualdez issued a strong rebuttal. He called Guteza’s story “an outright and complete fabrication…a desperate attempt to link me to supposed kickbacks where none exist. Imposible iyan (that’s impossible)!” . As proof, Romualdez noted a “most telling flaw” in the allegation: the Taguig house cited had been under renovation and unoccupied since January 2024, making it implausible that bags of cash were received there during the period claimed . “False in one thing, false in everything,” the lawyer-politician said, invoking the principle falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus to cast doubt on the entire testimony . Romualdez maintained, “I have never received or benefited from kickbacks in any infrastructure project. I never authorized, instructed, or allowed anyone to engage in such conduct that would betray the people or taint my name.”

Amid the growing furor, Martin Romualdez took a dramatic step: on September 17, 2025, he resigned as House Speaker in an attempt to insulate the House of Representatives from the scandal and to clear his own name. In a brief but dramatic press conference at the Batasang Pambansa, he announced he would “step down to protect the integrity and reputation of the House”, while remaining a congressman to “face all allegations head-on.” Romualdez stressed that “the institution is bigger than any individual, and it should not be tainted by controversies that can be addressed through proper channels.” He endorsed Deputy Speaker Faustino “Bojie” Dy III as his successor, who was swiftly elected by the House that same day .

Even after losing the speakership, Romualdez continued to publicly assert his innocence and willingness to cooperate. “Wala akong itinatago at walang dapat itago,” he said – “I have nothing to hide and nothing to fear.” He categorically denied ever soliciting any “SOP” or commission from contractors, refuting both the Discayas’ insinuations and Guteza’s claims as “fabricated” . When the newly formed Independent Commission for Infrastructure invited him to testify, Romualdez immediately accepted. “I am here to cooperate fully and help uncover the truth… Whatever I know, I will share,” he declared upon appearing before the ICI in October . Notably, he pointed out that he was not a member of the bicameral conference committee that finalized the budget, implying he did not personally engineer last-minute project insertions . Still, he offered to provide any personal knowledge he had of the budgetary process and flood control funding allocations. “My purpose is to clarify the issues… I am ready to give my personal knowledge about the budget process… to help speed up the resolution of this fact-finding investigation,” Romualdez told reporters at the ICI hearing .

Romualdez’s key message has been that evidence and truth should prevail over politics. “At the end of the day, it is evidence – not political noise or unfounded accusations – that will reveal what really happened,” he stated, emphasizing his confidence that hard proof (or lack thereof) will vindicate him . He has cast the accusations as politically motivated smears, and even Malacañang has hinted that Romualdez could be treated as a cooperating witness rather than a target – “depende sa kanyang magiging salaysay” (it depends on the narrative he gives), a Palace official said when asked if Romualdez might become a state witness . For his part, Romualdez says he just wants a thorough, fair probe: “Like every Filipino, I want the truth to be established without delay. I am willing to do anything that will help speed up the investigation,” he affirmed in his public statements .

The Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI): Role and Mandate

In response to the flood control “mess,” President Marcos took the unprecedented step of creating an Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) to spearhead the investigation. He signed Executive Order No. 94 on September 11, 2025, establishing this independent fact-finding body to delve into “alleged irregularities in government flood control and other infrastructure projects.” The President cited the gravity of the issue – corrupt infrastructure projects not only waste public funds but also “pose threats to public safety” – and the erosion of public trust as justification for a special commission .

Mandate and Powers: The ICI is authorized to “hear, investigate, and gather evidence” on any anomalies, misuse of funds, or corruption in the planning, budgeting, and implementation of government infrastructure projects . A key focus is on flood control projects undertaken in the past ten years, given that these works have consistently received large budget allocations yet remained plagued with delays and substandard results . Under EO 94, the commission wields significant quasi-judicial powers. It can issue subpoenas to compel witnesses and documents, and if individuals refuse to comply, the ICI can ask the courts to enforce orders (though the commission itself cannot cite contempt, it can seek arrest warrants via the judiciary) . The ICI can conduct hearings, take sworn testimony, and coordinate with other investigative agencies. It is empowered to recommend the filing of criminal, civil, or administrative cases against erring officials and private contractors, bringing its findings to bodies like the Department of Justice (DOJ), the Office of the Ombudsman, or the Civil Service Commission for prosecution and sanctions . The commission may also suggest preventive measures such as freezing assets, issuing hold departure orders (travel bans), and suspending officials to prevent tampering with evidence . Uniquely, the ICI was directed to provide monthly progress reports to the Office of the President and to operate until it fulfills its mission (or is dissolved by the President) .

Composition: The Independence of the ICI is underscored by its leadership. It is chaired by former Supreme Court Justice Andres B. Reyes Jr., with two other commissioners of “proven competence and integrity” serving alongside him . To support their work, a full-time Executive Director (Atty. Brian Keith Hosaka, with rank of Undersecretary) heads a secretariat providing technical and administrative assistance . The commission can also hire experts and professionals as advisers or consultants to untangle complex engineering, auditing, or legal issues . President Marcos quickly filled key ICI positions with respected figures: for example, Rogelio “Babes” Singson, a former DPWH Secretary known for anti-corruption reforms, and Rossana Fajardo, a senior partner of SGV & Co. (a top accountancy firm), were appointed as ICI commissioners . A seasoned law-enforcement official, Baguio City Mayor (and ex-police general) Benjamin Magalong, was named as a special adviser and lead investigator to bolster the commission’s fact-finding capabilities . This blend of judicial, infrastructure, audit, and investigative expertise is intended to ensure the ICI has both credibility and technical know-how. “The administration is firmly committed to maintain honesty and integrity in public service… [We will] hold accountable any government officials or any individual who engage in graft or corrupt practices,” Marcos stated in EO 94 .

Focus on Flood Control Projects: Even prior to the ICI’s formation, flood control programs had been singled out as “prone to corruption”. These projects receive huge annual budgets yet often yield questionable outcomes . Repeated implementation delays, mysteriously “completed” projects that turned out non-existent, and apparently substandard constructions (some structures failed to function as intended) have been documented . President Marcos himself inspected some provincial flood control sites in 2025 and was appalled to find “horrible” instances of impunity – including one case where a project was reported finished but on the ground “there was nothing there.” These discoveries prompted him to tearfully recount how such plunder directly harms ordinary Filipinos, who suffer from preventable flooding while billions are siphoned off . Thus, the ICI’s first order of business is the flood control corruption scandal. The commission’s terms of reference prioritize investigating the funding, procurement, and implementation of flood mitigation projects (dikes, drainage systems, etc.) in recent years, and identifying those responsible for anomalies . ICI Executive Director Hosaka has clarified that the body’s goal is not to “name and shame” indiscriminately, but to build solid cases: “The commission’s work will help separate fact from speculation,” and ensure due process while pursuing the guilty .

Already, the ICI has actively pursued leads in the Romualdez case. In early October it issued a subpoena to former Rep. Zaldy Co (who had chaired the House appropriations panel) to testify on what he knew about budget insertions and flood control projects . (Co did not show up at the scheduled October 14 hearing, having left the country; the ICI signaled it would seek a court-issued arrest warrant to compel his attendance if necessary .) In contrast, Martin Romualdez was invited (as a resource person) rather than subpoenaed, given his stature, and he voluntarily appeared before the commission on October 14, 2025 . The ICI also moved to secure an Immigration Lookout Bulletin Order (ILBO) from the DOJ to monitor key figures. By October 8, Justice Secretary Jesus Crispin Remulla confirmed that 33 individuals linked to the flood control scandal – including Romualdez – were placed on immigration lookout to prevent any attempt to flee the Philippines . This list covered several sitting and former lawmakers (not just Romualdez and Zaldy Co, but also Senators Francis “Chiz” Escudero, Jinggoy Estrada, Joel Villanueva, Ramon “Bong” Revilla Jr., and Nancy Binay, among others mentioned in testimonies) as well as contractors and DPWH officials . Such steps demonstrate the ICI’s broad mandate to coordinate with law enforcement and ensure suspects remain within reach of the law.

Key Developments and Timeline of the Investigation

1. Mid-2023 – 2024: Initial red flags about flood control funds emerged. The Commission on Audit reportedly began flagging unutilized or misused flood control budgets and incomplete projects. Lawmakers from Bicol and other regions were accused by rivals of cornering disproportionate flood control funds (a prelude to the later “Bicol flood control controversy” involving Rep. Zaldy Co ). These early warnings set the stage for deeper inquiries in 2025.
2. August 2025: The Senate Blue Ribbon Committee (chaired by Sen. Rodante Marcoleta) opened a formal inquiry into alleged corruption in flood control projects. Initial hearings struggled when major contractors like the Discayas failed to appear (they were subpoenaed after skipping an August 19 hearing) . By late August, news reports surfaced linking high-profile politicians to suspicious infrastructure allocations. Notably, on August 25, President Marcos publicly acknowledged receiving reports that certain lawmakers – “including his cousin, Speaker Romualdez, and Senators Jinggoy Estrada and Joel Villanueva” – were implicated in flood project kickbacks . In response, Malacañang signaled a possible crackdown, and Marcos even hinted at freezing new flood control appropriations.
3. September 8, 2025: In a televised Senate hearing, Pacifico “Curlee” and Sarah Discaya finally testified, delivering bombshell revelations. They admitted their construction firms (they controlled as many as nine companies) had participated in anomalous bidding practices and that it was “standard” to give around 15–20% of project costs as bribes to certain legislators or DPWH officials to secure funding . Under intense questioning, the Discayas named several legislators who allegedly received these cash payouts (though they requested a closed session to divulge specific names for fear of their safety) . Their testimony also highlighted that the Philippines spent roughly ₱545 billion on flood control in the last three years, yet many projects were subpar or imaginary . The public was shocked by images of the Discayas casually discussing kickbacks while having amassed a garage of luxury cars worth over ₱300–₱400 million . This hearing galvanized both media and public attention on the “flood control scam.”
4. September 9–10, 2025: Reacting swiftly to the Senate findings, President Marcos halted or reallocated funding for future flood projects. He announced that about ₱225 billion earmarked for locally-funded flood control in the proposed 2026 budget would be redirected to other priorities like education and health . Marcos argued that until the infrastructure system is cleansed of corruption, pouring more money into flood projects would be unwise. He called the corruption revelations “horrible” and vowed that those responsible would face charges . Around this time (Sept 11), Justice Secretary Remulla also floated the idea of imposing travel precautions on implicated individuals, foreshadowing the ILBO.
5. September 11, 2025: President Marcos signed E.O. 94, formally creating the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI) . The Palace declared this independent probe body as a decisive move to “confront irregularities and strengthen public trust in government projects.” Marcos promised to name respected members to the commission, emphasizing it was not a partisan witch-hunt but a quest for truth. House Speaker Romualdez (still Speaker then) publicly endorsed the move, saying “the House will extend its full cooperation to the ICI so that truth can prevail, accountability can be pursued, and reforms can be put in place… The House will never be a sanctuary for corruption.” This statement was seen as Romualdez’s assurance that Congress would not shield any of its members proven to have conspired with DPWH officials in anomalous projects .
6. September 12–15, 2025: Marcos appointed the ICI’s leadership. Retired Justice Andres Reyes Jr. was named Commission Chair, with infrastructure expert Rogelio “Babes” Singson and accountant Rossana Fajardo as members . The President also tapped Baguio Mayor Benjamin Magalong (a former police general) as the ICI’s special investigator, and Atty. Brian Hosaka was designated Executive Director . The appointments were lauded as non-partisan and credibility-boosting. On September 13, the ICI formally convened and began reviewing documents and gathering evidence from agencies (DPWH, Commission on Audit reports, etc.).
7. September 17, 2025: Martin Romualdez resigned as House Speaker, effective immediately, amid mounting pressure from the unfolding scandal . That same day, the House of Representatives in a special session elected Rep. Faustino “Bojie” Dy III of Isabela as the new Speaker with an overwhelming majority vote . In his resignation speech, Romualdez asserted he was sacrificing his position “to preserve the House’s integrity” and enable investigations to proceed “freely and fully – without interference.” He reiterated that he would not use the Speakership to influence or derail the probe. Speaker Dy, in turn, promised full cooperation with the Senate, ICI, and all investigative bodies, stating “The people’s trust has been shattered. We must rebuild it brick by brick, with transparency and accountability as our foundation.” Dy also signaled internal reforms in congressional budget oversight to prevent such anomalies in the future.
8. Late September 2025: Further Senate Blue Ribbon hearings continued. On September 21 and 25, new witnesses like Orly Regala Guteza (ex-aide of Zaldy Co) and other contractors appeared. Guteza’s detailed claims of cash deliveries to Romualdez and Co made headlines, though senators noted inconsistencies and the need for corroboration . The Senate committee also probed DPWH officials about how 15 contractors cornered ₱100 billion (nearly 20%) of the flood control budget in three years, examining possible bid rigging and political influence . Separately, public interest grew around figures like Rep. Zaldy Co, who was heavily implicated. Co had been identified as a key player in budget “insertions” for flood projects in his native Bicol region . Facing accusations, Zaldy Co resigned from Congress in late September (he officially stepped down on Sept. 28, 2025) and left the country, citing “real and imminent threats” to his life and complaining of “denial of due process” . Before departing, Co released a statement denying all kickback allegations: “I received no funds in connection with DPWH projects,” he insisted . He vowed to return and defend himself, but Justice Secretary (now Ombudsman) Jesus Crispin Remulla cast doubt, saying Co’s continued absence would make him a fugitive .
9. October 8–10, 2025: The Independent Commission (ICI) ramped up its investigation. On the first week of October, ICI Chair Justice Reyes Jr. requested the DOJ to issue an Immigration Lookout Bulletin Order (ILBO) against 33 persons of interest . By October 9, the DOJ confirmed that it had placed Sen. Chiz Escudero, Rep. Martin Romualdez, and 31 others on the BI’s lookout list in connection with the flood control probe . Those on the list included sitting Senators Jinggoy Estrada, Joel Villanueva, and Bong Revilla (all alleged by witnesses to have had allocations or dealings in the projects), as well as Zaldy Co and several contractors and DPWH regional officials. An ILBO is not a travel ban per se but means immigration authorities must flag any attempt by these individuals to leave the country, and they could be prevented from departing pending further legal orders . This move underscored the high stakes of the probe and the ICI’s intent to hold even powerful figures accountable. In the same period, the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), working in parallel, announced it had gathered enough evidence to recommend criminal prosecution of Zaldy Co and certain others; case files were being readied for the DOJ’s evaluation .
10. October 14, 2025: Former Speaker Martin Romualdez personally appeared at the ICI’s public hearing in Manila – a highly anticipated moment in the investigation. Arriving at the commission’s session hall with little fanfare, Romualdez gave an opening statement affirming his commitment to the truth. “I am here to cooperate fully and help uncover the truth. Whatever I know, I will share… I am not hiding anything,” he told the commission . Over several hours of testimony, Romualdez answered the ICI panel’s questions about the House budget process, specifically how flood control projects were funded. He pointed out that as Speaker, he did not sit in the bicameral conference committee (which finalizes budget line items), implying he wasn’t in the room when last-minute allocations were decided . Romualdez also categorically denied ever instructing anyone to solicit kickbacks on his behalf and repeated that any suggestion of his involvement was politically motivated hearsay . “At the end of the day, evidence – not noise – will reveal the truth,” he stressed again to the ICI members . The hearing was described as cordial but pointed. ICI Executive Director Atty. Hosaka noted that Romualdez’s cooperation was welcome and that no “special treatment” would be given – he would be evaluated based on evidence like any other respondent . (Notably, on the same day, Malacañang Press Officer Claire Castro said whether Romualdez might become a state witness would “depend on the information he discloses” to the commission .) Meanwhile, Zaldy Co was a no-show at that day’s hearing, despite the subpoena; ICI lawyers began preparing a petition to cite him in contempt and potentially have the courts issue a warrant for his arrest if he continues to ignore summons .
11. Late October 2025 and Beyond: The investigation is ongoing. The ICI is expected to hold further hearings, calling more witnesses such as former DPWH officials and other lawmakers. There are indications that former DPWH Secretary Mark Villar (now a senator) may also be invited or subpoenaed, since some of the projects in question date to his term . By mandate, the ICI will compile its findings and, if warranted, formally file cases for graft, malversation, fraud, or other charges with the Ombudsman and DOJ. As of mid-October, the ICI had already signaled possible charges against certain individuals (e.g., recommending charges vs. Co and conspirators in the Mindoro project) . The Ombudsman’s office, now headed by former DOJ Sec. Remulla, has also created a task force to coordinate with the ICI. The Senate Blue Ribbon Committee is separately preparing its report; Senate leaders have indicated they will resume their inquiry later in the month to dig deeper into the alleged “flood control fund cartel” . In sum, the process of exacting accountability is underway on multiple fronts, with the executive, legislative, and judicial bodies all involved in unraveling the scheme.
    

Political and Public Reactions

The unraveling scandal has provoked strong reactions across the political spectrum and among the Filipino public:

1. House of Representatives: When the controversy broke, the leadership of the House – including Speaker Romualdez (before he resigned) – took a stance of cooperation rather than defensiveness. Romualdez declared that the House would not be used to shield any wrongdoers: “If the Commission’s investigation finds that some members of the House conspired with public works officials in anomalous projects, the House will never be a sanctuary for corruption.” He assured due process but vowed no sacred cows, ostensibly even including himself. After Romualdez’s exit, the new Speaker, Bojie Dy, echoed these sentiments. Speaker Dy prioritized restoring credibility of the institution, instituting measures for transparency in the 2026 budget deliberations and pledging support for prosecuting any members proven guilty . Several House members from both majority and minority blocs lauded Romualdez’s resignation as a “delicate sacrifice” to save the House’s honor, while others suggested it set a precedent that the legislature will not tolerate corruption within its ranks.
2. Executive Branch: President Marcos Jr. publicly decried the flood control corruption as intolerable, emphasizing how it literally costs lives and livelihoods when flood projects fail. In a heartfelt interview, Marcos became teary-eyed describing how ordinary Filipinos suffer devastating floods while funds meant to protect them are stolen . His administration’s swift actions – creating the ICI, reshuffling budget priorities, and cooperating with Senate inquiries – have been seen as an attempt to assert a strong anti-graft posture. Some critics, however, note the delicate position Marcos is in, given that one of the principal accused (Romualdez) is his cousin and key ally. The Palace has cautiously welcomed Romualdez’s cooperation with the ICI, and floated the idea that Romualdez could serve as a witness if his testimony helps implicate bigger players (or clarifies the scheme) . Still, officials like Press Officer Claire Castro and Justice Sec. Remulla have been non-committal, saying it “depends on his narratives and evidence” . The President himself has not directly addressed Romualdez’s culpability, but by empowering an independent commission, he signaled that even close allies will not be spared if evidence emerges. When asked if the former Speaker might get off the hook, Marcos responded that everyone involved will have to answer for their actions, whoever they are. In one notable move, Marcos ordered the halt of new flood control appropriations in the next budget and reallocation of those funds to social services – a reaction applauded by anti-corruption advocates as hitting the “pork barrel” aspect of the scheme.
3. Senate and Other Political Figures: Senators leading the Blue Ribbon inquiry, such as Jinggoy Estrada and minority member Risa Hontiveros, have voiced outrage at the scale of the scam. Estrada (who ironically was later named in the ILBO list) demanded that all officials involved “face the music,” while Hontiveros called for whistleblower protection for the Discayas and others coming forward. The fact that senators from both the majority and minority were implicated (Escudero, Villanueva, Estrada, Revilla, Binay) created a politically sensitive situation. Senator Francis Escudero criticized the DOJ’s blanket lookout order as “casting a cloud of suspicion” on officials without due process, but he and others named nevertheless vowed to cooperate with any inquiry . The situation has blurred party lines: it’s seen less as an opposition vs. administration issue and more as a systemic problem involving politicians from various groups. For instance, even Vice President Sara Duterte weighed in indirectly; some of the implicated contractors were known campaign donors in Davao, prompting her to support the investigations to “weed out corruption regardless of alliances.” Local officials like Pasig City Mayor Vico Sotto – who defeated one of the Discayas in a mayoral race – publicly lambasted the ostentatious display of wealth by contractors amid unfinished flood projects, calling it “obscene and unacceptable.” 
4. Public and Media: Among the general public, the revelations have fueled anger and demands for justice. Social media buzzed with the hashtag #FloodControlScam and memes of “floods of cash.” Many Filipinos in flood-prone areas expressed betrayal upon learning that projects meant to alleviate flooding were fake or subpar. Civil society groups, including youth organizations and anti-corruption NGOs, staged small rallies and released statements pressing for swift prosecution. Notably, the University of the Philippines (UP) College of Engineering and economists from the UP School of Economics issued a joint statement condemning the “ghost projects” and urging reforms in public works procurement and congressional budgeting to prevent lawmakers from arbitrarily inserting projects without proper vetting . A labor group similarly called for fast action, worrying that the scandal might be swept under the rug if public pressure wanes .

Media coverage has been relentless and quite incisive. Prominent journalists like Joseph Morong of GMA News have closely followed the developments, providing detailed reports on nightly news and social media. Morong’s coverage highlighted Romualdez’s repeated assurances of transparency – including his quote, “I have nothing to hide,” and his emphasis on evidence-based inquiry . GMA News and other outlets broadcast footage of Romualdez arriving at the ICI and fielding questions, noting his calm demeanor and willingness to answer even uncomfortable questions . At the same time, anchors underscored that being cooperative does not equate to being cleared – the proof (documents, money trails, testimonies under oath) will be determinative. The Philippine Daily Inquirer ran editorials praising the ICI’s creation but warning against it becoming a whitewash; one op-ed pointed out that “resignation is no substitute for justice – it’s a first step, but the real work is recovering stolen funds and jailing those responsible.” Similarly, on television, commentators noted that Romualdez stepping down as Speaker, while laudable, should not shield him if evidence later emerges of wrongdoing. There is a palpable public sentiment that “big fish” must be held accountable in this case – a test of the Marcos administration’s political will and sincerity in fighting corruption.

In summary, the investigation into anomalous flood control projects – and Martin Romualdez’s alleged role in them – is a rapidly evolving saga. Thus far, it has led to the unprecedented downfall of a sitting House Speaker, the formation of an independent investigative commission, and a broader conversation on reforming infrastructure spending. Key infrastructure projects across various regions (from Bicol to Mindoro to Metro Manila) have come under scrutiny, and names once thought untouchable are now subject to probes. While Romualdez maintains his innocence and has shown openness to inquiry, the process is ongoing and its conclusions are keenly awaited. The coming months will be critical in determining if criminal charges are filed and if the involved officials indeed face trial. For now, the Philippine public – often inured to corruption scandals – is watching this issue closely, hopeful that this time, accountability will flow as steadily as the floods that these projects were meant to control. All eyes are on the ICI, DOJ, and Ombudsman to see if they can turn the tide against graft in public infrastructure .

Sources:

1. ABS-CBN News, “Ex-Speaker Romualdez attends ICI hearing on flood control mess” (Johnson Manabat, Oct. 14, 2025) 
2. GMA News Online, “Martin Romualdez on facing flood control inquiry: I have nothing to hide” (Llanesca Panti, Oct. 14, 2025) 
3. GMA News Online, “Zaldy Co faces contempt if he fails to attend Oct. 14 hearing – ICI” (Sundy Locus, Oct. 13, 2025) 
4. GMA News Online, “Romualdez a state witness in flood control mess? Palace says it depends…” (Anna Felicia Bajo, Oct. 14, 2025) 
5. Philippine News Agency, “New infra commission armed with sweeping powers to probe corruption” (Darryl John Esguerra, Sept. 11, 2025) 
6. Associated Press (AP News), “Explosive testimony identifies legislators, officials in Philippine flood-control corruption inquiry” (Jim Gomez, Sept. 9, 2025) 
7. UNTV News, “Romualdez steps down as House Speaker amid ghost flood control woes” (Abbey M., Sept. 17, 2025) 
8. News5/TV5, “Romualdez denies receiving kickbacks; calls Guteza’s claims ‘fabricated’” (Eunice Gayamo, Sept. 25, 2025) 
9. Manila Bulletin, “‘Imposible iyan’: Romualdez slams ‘fabricated’ claim on flood control project kickbacks” (MB Online, Sept. 25, 2025) 
10. Philstar.com, “Marcos forms independent probe body for anomalies” (Sept. 12, 2025) 
11. Philstar.com, “Martin Romualdez faces ICI over corruption claims” (Xave Gregorio, Oct. 15, 2025) 
12. Inquirer.net, “House supports commission probing flood control projects – Romualdez” (Sept. 2025) (House statement)
13. Inquirer.net, “Romualdez denies kickback raps: Taguig home being repaired since 2024” (Gabriel Pabico Lalu, Sept. 26, 2025) 
14. Inquirer.net, “BI orders close monitoring of 33 personalities in flood control mess” (Tetch Torres-Tupas, Oct. 10, 2025) 
15. Rappler, “Marcos halts flood control funds as probes tie lawmakers to kickback scandal” (Herbie Gomez, Sept. 9, 2025) 
16. GMA News Online, “Who are the people on the Independent Commission for Infrastructure?” (Anna Felicia Bajo, Sept. 13, 2025) 
17. GMA News Online, “SOJ Remulla: Discayas ‘not forthcoming’ with info, not OK for state witness” (Sept. 2025) (Blue Ribbon update)
18. SunStar, “Martin Romualdez faces ICI probe” (Oct. 2025) (Regional press coverage)

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